For over a decade, our state spending has been greater than the tax revenue we’ve taken in. Our state constitution required our budgets to be balanced, but instead of “balance,” the General Assembly used fund transfers and short-term borrowing to conceal over-spending. To the outside observer, those accounting tricks made it look like there was sufficient incoming revenue to cover the outgoing expenditures. But the whole scheme was a lie.

Essentially, when the credit card bill came due, we didn’t pay it off: we kept spending too much, and just transferred our balance to another card. The problem wasn’t on the income side, either. Our tax revenue has been generally healthy, enough to fund a proper state government. Had the General Assembly told the various special interests in Springfield, “no more,” we would have spent plenty of money, just not more money than we had coming in.

Predictably, Speaker Mike Madigan and his supporters disagree with this assessment. They were in charge for that decade of over-spending, because Madigan drew the legislative maps for the General Assembly, ensuring Democratic super-majorities in the House and Senate.

But that all changed in 2015, when the new governor came into office. He, along with the Republicans in the General Assembly, said “enough.” Enough to the over-spending, the tricks, and the lies. We found ourselves in a deep, deep hole—and the only way out of a hole like this is to first stop digging.

We’ve essentially been at a stalemate ever since. For the past year and a half, our state has operated without a budget: the spending of the state has instead been made through court orders, consent decrees, and short-term, limited legislation.

The four legislative leaders and the governor have met a couple times since veto session ended on December 1. The governor offered to Madigan that he was willing to consider a tax increase to cover the budget hole, but only if significant reforms can be made, to create jobs and clean up state government. However, Madigan responded publicly that they should do the budget first before talking reforms. So, the governor replied asking Madigan what his budget proposal was. The answer: “we’re working on it.” At that point, the governor said he’d call the next meeting as soon as Madigan’s proposal is ready. That was two weeks ago.

Over the past few weeks, I’ve been part of several meetings of the reform working group, which is currently focused on worker’s compensation cost reduction. Manufacturing companies regularly tell me that our worker’s compensation costs are the highest in the Midwest, making us less competitive for jobs in that field and others.

Yet, you can tell that there’s no great willingness to compromise in these meetings. Agreements are few and far between, limited primarily to minor issues that the parties should agree on anyway.

I won’t sugarcoat it for you: Springfield is a very dark place. But when things are darkest, the light shines brighter. Here’s hoping that the Christmas story in some way rubs off on our state’s elected officials. May they see the Light emerging out of the darkness and embrace the grace and peace of Christmas. And then, with that inspiration, deliver a brighter future to the people of Illinois.

In the Breen household, we are having a wonderful time preparing for “Baby’s First Christmas.” May you and your family be blessed with the full measure of Christmas joy!
This past week concluded the General Assembly’s veto session, and tensions were high in Springfield. I saw reasons both for hope and for dismay in the proceedings. On the hope side, the legislative leaders and the governor successfully hammered out an energy bill. That bill will keep two of our state’s six nuclear plants from going offline, along with bringing back into Illinois hundreds of millions of dollars in renewable energy spending that had been sent out of state.

The initial version of the energy bill was bloated, spending way too much money and suffering under the weight of pork projects for various interest groups. Without major changes, that bill was dead on arrival—but the stakes of failure were high. Without action by Springfield, the plants shut down, taking 10% of our state’s energy capacity offline and driving our electric rates through the roof, along with putting 4200 Illinoisans out of work and delivering a $1.2 billion blow to our state’s economy. But the governor and his staff set to work with the legislature and affected parties, driving a tough bargain on the bill. The governor demanded a guarantee that the plants would stay open at least ten years, removed the various costly special interest giveaways, and imposed strict caps to ensure residents and businesses don’t overpay for electricity. And after vigorous debate, the measure passed on close votes in both the House and Senate, with a commitment for the governor’s signature.

At the end of the day, not everyone got what they wanted in the energy bill, nor was the bill perfect. But in the face of certain catastrophe, the legislature and executive branch came together and rapidly negotiated a complex bill, to provide energy security to the people of Illinois. The way I see it, if you change the subject from “energy” to “budget,” this looks a lot like a model for the two parties to come together for a tough, principled, and swift compromise for a balanced budget.

Since I serve on the House Energy Committee, I was a leading speaker in favor of the final version of the bill on Thursday. During my comments, I spoke about the rate hikes that would become necessary if the two nuclear plants were shuttered. You may watch a video of my floor comments here.

Now, while the parties were coming together to avert the energy crisis, there was cause for dismay. You may recall that, back at the end of June, the parties agreed on a stopgap budget, to put off the tough negotiations until after the pressure of the November election passed. Well, since the election, the governor has asked for meetings with the legislative leaders, but there doesn’t appear to be much urgency or substance emerging from them.

And this past week, Senate President John Cullerton repudiated a pension reform agreement, which was part of the foundation for the stopgap deal in June. As part of that deal, the General Assembly agreed to pay this year’s “normal cost” for Chicago teacher pensions (similar to the way the state pays the normal cost for suburban teacher pensions), but only if the parties came together to put in place pension reform that would benefit the whole state. That meant the General Assembly passed a bill to provide $215 million to the Chicago teacher pension fund—the theory being that the City of Chicago would push its legislators to negotiate and vote for statewide pension reform, so as not to lose the money for its own pension fund. The money for Chicago pensions was “held” until the end of the year, with the understanding that the governor would veto the measure if no agreement was reached on pension reform. The terms of the deal were known by all legislators and widely reported in the press.

That’s why everyone in the Capitol was shocked on Thursday when President Cullerton claimed to the media that there was no deal—no strings attached to the $215 million payment from state taxpayers—and that the governor should just sign the bill and send the money to Chicago to bail out its pensions. In response to Cullerton’s denial of the well-understood agreement, the governor vetoed the bill a few hours later.

Negotiating a budget package isn’t just about drafting language—it requires trust. Trust that the other side will keep their agreement to support certain reform measures at a later date, trust that moneys appropriated will be spent as promised down the road, and the like. This latest breach of trust may prove a significant barrier to reaching compromise on a balanced budget and reforms to fix our state.

As we close this General Assembly, it’s one step forward, and one backward. Here’s hoping in the new year that the successful step forward, for compromise, will help the parties to heal and repair the step backward, the breach of trust. The stakes are too high and the harm to our state too great to continue without a balanced budget.

Rep. Breen and Senator Nybo Host Successful “Support Our Troops” Drive for Overseas Military
This week on Monday, December 5, we boxed up the donations made throughout the month of November during our “Support Our Troops” drive, with the members of VFW Lilac Post 5815 and its Ladies Auxiliary. In all, about 25 large boxes filled with items will be sent to overseas troops. People were extremely generous this year with their donations, and everything will now be separated into individual care packages that will be sent to overseas troops before or near Christmas. I am still collecting names and addresses for our local deployed military, so if you have a loved one currently serving away from home, please contact my office at (630) 403-8135 to share the information.

Illinois House Approves Constitutional Amendment
The amendment, if approved by the state Senate and adopted in the 2018 general election, would increase the voting margin required to increase an income tax rate or a sales tax rate during the so-called “lame duck” session of the Illinois General Assembly. I voted in favor of this amendment. The General Assembly, under current law, can enact “lame duck” tax hikes by simple majority in both houses. If HJRCA 62 were to become law, the margin would increase to three-fifths – the same “supermajority” as is currently required to increase State general-obligation debt, approve amendments to the Constitution of Illinois, and approve amendments to the federal Constitution of the United States. Lame duck sessions are sessions after Election Day when retiring legislators are still in office. The Thursday, December 1 vote by the House to approve HJRCA 62 was 84-18-2. The Senate has not taken action on this measure.

Madigan Supermajority Fails on Veto Overrides
The primary purpose of Veto Session is the reconsideration of bills that received a partial or full veto by the Governor during the spring session. During this year’s spring session, 2,231 House Bills, 1,233 Senate Bills and 1,327 Resolutions and Constitutional Amendments were filed. Of those, 443 were approved by both chambers and sent to the Governor. He signed 403 of them and issued a partial or full veto to 40 pieces of legislation. Of the bills that were brought back for a veto override attempt, just one bill, SB 440, received the supermajority vote required to override the Governor’s veto. (SB 440 amends the Chicago Police and Firefighter Articles of the Pension Code to address Tier II survivors’ annuity and issues related to cost-of-living adjustments, widow annuities and other death benefit provisions.)

Annual Christmas and Holiday Display Available for Public Viewing
This year’s annual nativity scene dedication ceremony was held on Tuesday, November 29 in the Capitol rotunda. A two-story tree, nativity scene and other items provide some much-needed positive holiday spirit during these difficult days for our State. The display is open to the public during normal business hours throughout December at the Capitol, located at 301 S. 2nd Street, Springfield. Area singing groups often volunteer to sing over the noon hour during the holiday season. If your holiday travels bring you near Springfield, please try to find time to see the display in the rotunda. 

The House and Senate are both scheduled to return to the Capitol on Monday, January 9 for two days of lame duck session, prior to the swearing in of the 100th General Assembly on Wednesday, January 11.

Illinois lawmakers approved a comprehensive energy bill on Thursday that will allow nuclear energy plants in Clinton and in the Quad Cities to remain operational as part of a broad package of measures that support clean energy in the state.

SB 2814 was approved by a 63-38 vote in the House, and State Representative Peter Breen (R-Lombard) was a leading House Republican speaker in favor of the bill. Breen, who holds a degree in Electrical Engineering and sits on the House Energy Committee, spoke to the rate hikes that would become necessary if the two clean energy plants were shuttered, and to the bipartisanship and compromise that led to the agreed language that Governor Rauner said he would support.

Click here to watch Breen’s comments during the debate on the bill.



Today in Springfield the House of Representatives approved a comprehensive energy bill that will allow nuclear energy plants in Clinton and in the Quad Cities to remain online. In response to the 63-38 vote in the House, State Representative Peter Breen (R-Lombard) has issued the following statement:

“I am pleased with the passage of SB 2814 today. Every study available indicated that shutting down our nuclear plants in Clinton and in the Quad Cities would have spiked electricity rates in Illinois by multiple hundreds of millions of dollars. This bill represents an insurance policy for the people of Illinois, ensuring the viability of those nuclear plants while capping rate increases for residents and businesses. Keeping these plants online will help us keep the promise that, when Illinoisans flip a light switch, their lights will turn on, no matter how harsh the weather conditions—from 100-degree heat to the polar vortex.”

“There are also numerous other efficiency measures in this bill, and for folks in the 48th District, they should see lower rates next year from those efficiencies. Moreover, we currently spend hundreds of millions of dollars each year on renewable energy credits, but the majority of that money goes out of state. This bill will bring those hundreds of millions of dollars back into Illinois, which will necessarily improve our state’s economy.”

“This bill also shows the people of Illinois that the General Assembly can compromise when there is the willingness to do so. House members on both sides of the aisle came together, with the Governor and his staff, to successfully negotiate a complex bill during a short time-frame. It’s now time for us to come together and negotiate a balanced budget.”